TTC removing ads for skin-lightening treatment at advertiser’s request

racist, colourist poor excuse of a doctor decides to take down the ads



A Toronto Transit Commission ad that stirred up controversy for promoting skin-lightening treatments has been willing removed by the advertiser.

The ad for promoted the naturopath’s IV-based method for skin lightening, which can be used for cosmetic or medical reasons. Creams and other procedures to lighten skin tones have for years drawn criticism overseas as promoting racial stereotypes that lighter skin is more beautiful.

Many questioned whether the transit authority for the country’s most diverse city should run such ads after a picture of the offending promotion was posted online by Twitter user @EmilyKnits.

TTC removing ads for skin-lightening treatment at advertiser’s request


Brazil comes to terms with its slave trading past


Groundworks for the 2016 Olympics bring questions of ethnicity to the surface


Just a step from the centre of Rio de Janeiro, at the heart of the docks undergoing a massive facelift in preparation for the 2016 Olympics, two workers await the verdict of three archaeologists at the bottom of a trench. Municipal workers have once again stumbled on the remains of the Valongo wharf, where the largest number of slaves imported to theAmericas disembarked. A place to remember, a place of suffering long buried under the paving stones of this dazzling city.

More than 600,000 slaves passed through in the early 19th century. The slave market stood nearby, much as the “cemetery of new blacks”: new because they had just arrived. Since work started in 2010, a huge variety of bracelets, precious stones and personal items has been unearthed, tens of thousands of objects, says Tania Andrade Lima, who heads the dig.

Work on the wharf has also revealed the scale of the slave trade inBrazil. Of the 9.5 million people captured in Africa and brought to the New World between the 16th and 19th century, nearly 4 million landed in Rio, 10 times more than all those sent to the United States.

But for the last century Brazil has tried to forget its past, refusing to accept the legacy of the slave trade. It has sought to project the image of a country of mixed descent, where the colour of a person’s skin does not count, a land unfettered by racism where cordial relations reign between citizens of Indian, European and African descent.

Brazil was the last American nation to abolish slavery, on 13 May, 1888. At the time Rio represented the largest urban concentration of slaves since the end of the Roman empire, more than 40% of the population, almost a complete city in irons. Rio city council now plans to turn part of Valongo into an open-air archaeological site. “This heritage can finally be recognised, shown off and used to combat our collective amnesia […] regarding the black community,” Lima suggests. The country is certainly changing. There are few people in Rio who would still describe it as a “racial democracy“, a term coined by the sociologist and writer Gilberto Freyre. Black movements tend to refer to “institutionalised racism”, a view endorsed, among others, by the Catholic church, which condemns discrimination and the persistence of a slave-based mindset.

According to census results published in 2011 by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), brancos (whites) account for less than half the population for the first time since the 19th century. Approximately 51% see themselves as preto (black, 8%) or pardo (mixed, 43%), up by more than 5% on 2000. The statistics also show that Brazilians of colour are at a significant disadvantage compared with their white counterparts. Racial inequality is manifest in many respects, starting with the share-out of riches. Two-thirds of the poor are pretos or pardos. With the same qualifications, coloured people earn half as much as whites. A black woman only earns a quarter of the salary paid to a white male. According to a 2007 survey, coloured people only account for 3.5% of executives, 10% of university students, 5% of members of parliament, 3% of the judiciary. So there’s room for more change.

President Dilma Rousseff‘s 36-strong coalition government includes only one black minister, Luiza Helena de Bairros, secretary of state for racial equality. She is a worthy successor to Edison Arantes do Nascimento, aka Pelé, the first coloured man to serve as a minister (of sport) in 1994. All the figures confirm this situation, contradicting the impressions of passing visitors. “Racism in Brazil is well hidden, subtle and unspoken, underestimated by the media,” says Joaquim Barbosa, the first black judge to sit on the bench of the supreme court in Brasilia. “It is nevertheless extremely violent.” Appointed by President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (left) in 2003 and a well-known public figure, he recalls two occasions when white men handed him their car keys as he entered a fashionable restaurant in Rio. Being black they assumed he was a valet. “But,” he adds, “things are slowly changing and awareness is growing.”

In a sensational decision this April the 10 supreme court judges unanimously ruled in favour of positive discrimination in higher education, declaring that the racial quotas in Brazilian universities were constitutional and redressed the “social debt of slavery”. Dozens of expert witnesses were heard and the ruling was televised live.

In August the senate passed a bill requiring federal universities to reserve half their places for students from state schools. Rousseff has signed the whole text into law; universities have till 2015 to comply. In practice the law mixes social and racial criteria, taking into account local particularities. It sets aside a quarter of all places in federal universities for students from families with an income less than or equal to one and a half times the minimum wage ($460). The other quarter will be allocated to students according to their self-declared skin colour.

According to the daily O Globo the law will more than double the number of affirmative-action places in Rio’s four federal universities. They currently set aside 5,400 places for social quotas, but under the new arrangements their number will rise to 12,350. Opponents of the quota system have condemned the “racialisation” of Brazil, rooted in an increasingly ethnic approach to social affairs. Above all the ensuing debate seems to have put an end to the myth of racial democracy, in which skin colour does not count.

A major change is apparently underway in what the sociologist Alberto Guerreiro Ramos called “the most racist country in the world”, during the military dictatorship in the 1980s, a view endorsed by most of the experts Le Monde talked to. “The quotas are the only alternative to the mechanisms of concealment and social exclusion set up since the end of slavery,” says Spiritos Santos, the author of a lively blog on racial issues.

“This new phase is a revolution for Brazil,” says David Raimundo dos Santos, a Franciscan friar who heads Educafro, an NGO that campaigns to gain access to education for coloured people. He believes that blacks, once slave to a master, are now slaves to a system. “Brazil is waking up and can now claim to have found a method for integration,” he adds.

Since independence in 1822, the Brazilian elite has sought to deny the nation’s African roots. “In an effort to glorify the past, while making no concessions to the Portuguese, the elite started by promoting the Indians, the original masters of the land and no threat to the slave-makers,” says the historian Richard Marin. Blacks were sidelined. Even the abolitionist writer Ruy Barbosa de Oliveirato, then finance minister, authorised much of the government records of slavery to be destroyed in 1890.

When slavery was finally abolished the former captives were left to fend for themselves. Unlike Abraham Lincoln, who established 4,000 schools for former slaves, Brazil did not open a single one. “With no land nor education, cut off from any social organisation, the enfranchised blacks were condemned to misery,” according to historian Alain Rouquié. “The long-awaited abolition ultimately entrenched inequality.”

Prior to the financial crisis of 1929 the boom in coffee production attracted 4 million immigrants from Europe with little concern for the country’s colonial past. On the grounds that this young and prosperous nation could not flourish with a largely black population, European immigration was encouraged in order to “whiten” Brazil, to limpar o sangue (cleanse the blood).

Efforts to reassert the country’s racial legacy started in the 1920s with Brazilian Modernism, which cast off Europe’s academic strictures, and the novels of Mario de Andrade, which focused on the switch from a white to a black culture. In the 1930s the work of sociologist Gilberto Freyre – in particular Casa Grande e Senzala (Masters and Slaves) – highlighted racial mixing as one of Brazil’s defining features. He made no distinction between the three main ethnic groups – Africans, Indians and Portuguese.

This concept, which contrasted with the north American segregationist model, proved very popular in Brazil, boosting the legitimacy of the authoritarian Estado Novo regime, in power during the second world war. Half-white, half-black Nossa Senhora da Conceiçao Aparecida became the country’s patron saint.

But there was a big gap between the supposed racial democracy and the actual condition of many Afro-Brazilians, the victims of racism. Concealed by the absence of legal segregation and the warmth of social intercourse, this “cordial racism” was denied.

The debate on quotas started in the 1990s under President Fernando Henrique Cardoso. He set up working groups to discuss public action to promote the black community and made it compulsory for official documents to indicate skin colour. In 2002 Bahia State University introduced racial quotas, gradually followed by about 60 other establishments.

Under Lula, the explicit goal of racial quotas was to compensate for the racial discrimination endured by blacks. After 10 years of debate and experiment the ruling by the supreme court endorses this approach.

The streets of the Valongo neighbourhood have just been paved over and re-opened to traffic. This evening the first episode of a telenovela(soap), Lado a Lado (side by side) will be broadcast. It is the story of a black community after the abolition of slavery. “It is an exciting and as yet little known period,” said the lead actor, Lazaro Ramos. Could he be joking?


This article appeared in Guardian Weeklywhich incorporates material from Le Monde

Al-Qaeda’s Anti-Black Racism

just more proof that Islam is a racist anti-black cult



George Orwell’s famous statement that some pigs are more equal than others can also be applied to al-Qaeda today.

The premiere Islamist terrorist organization that all others try to emulate has always prided itself on welcoming equally as brothers all those who adopt its narrow and violent version of Islam. But the current conflict in Mali, where al-Qaeda attempted to take over an African country in a military offensive, has helped reveal the falsity of its equality claim, exposing on closer inspection the Arab racism against black African jihadists in Al-Qaeda’s North African franchise, Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).


The current battle against Islamists in Mali that saw their gunmen advance several hundred miles south, dangerously close to the country’s capital, before French intervention forced them back involved fighters from three different jihadist groups. One, Ansar Dine (Defenders of the Faith), is made up of Mali’s native Tuaregs who inhabit the country’s northern part. Another is the more famous AQIM, while the last is the relatively unknown Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (MOJWA), which broke away from the AQIM in 2011.

Largely unnoticed by the mainstream media, the reason MOJWA splintered off from AQIM was due to the marginalisation of its black African members and the contempt in which AQIM’s Arabs hold blacks in general. For example, AQIM is definitely not an equal opportunity employer. No black African is known to hold a leadership position in the terrorist organization.

Robert Fowler, a former Canadian diplomat, witnessed up close this Arab racism against black jihadists in AQIM when he was an AQIM hostage for 130 days in the Sahara Desert in 2010. Fowler was on special assignment for the United Nations when kidnapped with another Canadian diplomat in Niger. He recorded his experiences in his book A Season In Hell: My 130 Days In The Sahara With Al Qaeda. Fowler noted that “there was a big gulf in the AQIM between those who were black and those who were not,” observing that Arabs, primarily Algerians, were the AQIM leaders, while blacks and young Arabs composed the rank and file.

“They preached equality, but did not practise it,” records Fowler. “Sub-Saharan Africans were clearly second class in the eyes of AQIM.”

AQIM’s anti-black racism even appeared when one of his Arab kidnappers tried to get Fowler to convert to Islam, emphasising as a positive point his religion’s egalitarianism regarding other races. Using blacks as an example, the jihadist explained to Fowler: “No matter how black they are, how ugly, how flat their noses, or how much their sweat smells, God considers them equal.” The irony of his choice of words somehow escaped their speaker.

Fowler encountered a possibly more telling example of Arab racism against blacks when an Arab jihadist saw Fowler and his fellow Canadian captive washing their clothes. The Arab asked whether their wives did this at home. Upon receiving a positive response as well as an explanation that they sometimes did it together, the Arab appeared both amazed and disgusted. This prompted the two hostages to ask their captor whether he performed this chore in his household. Genuinely horrified, the jihadist responded: “Of course not! We have slaves for that!”

While the jihadist did not tell Fowler whether his slaves were black, there is a good chance that they are. Arab and Berber enslavement of black Africans is well entrenched in Africa’s Sahel region, the continent’s worst area for this inhuman activity. It is estimated there are between 300,000 to 500,000 black African slaves in Mauritania, about 200,000 in Mali and a further unknown number in Niger that could encompass between one and eight percent of the country’s population. True numbers are nearly impossible to obtain since many slaves belong to nomads or live in areas where government institutions are weak or non-existent.

One Arab jihadist, however, did admit to Fowler during his captivity the existence of anti-black racism in AQIM, calling it “a problem.” And it became so big a problem the black Africans split off from AQIM and formed their own al-Qaeda-loyal jihadist outfit the year after Fowler’s unexpected and unpleasant stay.


The roots of Arab anti-black racism in AQIM, and elsewhere in the Arab world, are to be found in the centuries-old abomination of Islamic slavery of black Africans that continues to this day. It has created a mindset of racial superiority among some Arabs that views blacks as scarcely human and enslaving them as the natural order of things. Although they insist their religion commands equality, for them that is laughable, even for the religious purists of al-Qaeda, when it comes to blacks. African-American Samuel Cotton encountered this horrifying mindset when he explored the Arab/Berber slavery of black Africans in Mauritania in the 1990s.

“The problem is that Mauritania’s Arabs sincerely believe that blacks are inferior and are born to be slaves,” wrote Cotton in his book Silent Terror: A Journey Into Contemporary African Slavery. “They believe that a black man, woman or child’s place in life is to serve an Arab master…”

But one shouldn’t feel sorry for MOJWA’s black jihadists and rush to launch anti-discrimination complaints on their behalf. Just because it has a black leadership doesn’t mean MOJWA is any less ruthless or bloodthirsty than AQIM. It has the same hatred of ‘infidels’, interest in spreading jihad and uses the same bloodthirsty methods. It has kidnapped aid workers, diplomats (executing one), set off a car bomb and recently tried to overthrow the Malian government by force. It was MOJWA leader Omar Ould Hamaha, for example, who warned France that she had “opened the doors of hell” by intervening in Mali.

But the lesson to be learned in the formation of MOJWA is that anti-black racism cancels out religion, even in al-Qaeda. This crack in al Qaeda’s armour is, hopefully, a weakness that can be exploited as the worldwide jihad continues apace.











Hollywood Racism and blackface: Zoe Saldana transforms into Nina Simone for new movie… with the help of facial prosthetics, fake teeth and an afro-style wig

Racist Hollywood continuing their war against non-whites by engaging in black-face choosing a light skinned mixed Latina  dressing her  up in  prosthetics to make her look like Nina Simone the black female Jazz Singer. a similar racist yellowface movie cloud atlas is now playing in theaters.

Nina Simone

pictures showing Zoe in blackface using prosthetics






Here is light skinned mixed Latina Zoe Saldana

She caused controversy when it was first revealed that she had been cast as Nina Simone, with many saying she wasn’t ‘dark-skinned enough’ to play the legendary jazz singer.

But in first pictures of Zoe Saldana on the set of highly-anticipated biopic Nina, the 34-year-old actress has shown she is throwing herself into the role whole-heartedly.

Zoe was seen wearing a black afro-style short wig and what appeared to be a prosthetic nose, clutching a folder believed to contain her scripts as she made her way to the movie set.

She also appeared to have some slightly darker make-up shaded along her cheek and jawline.
She wore a black dressing gown with white trim, teamed with a matching pair of slippers as she prepared to meet with the wardrobe department ahead of her day’s work.

The decision to cast Zoe as Nina was met with strong criticism with many in Hollywood, including Nina’s daughter Simone Kelly.

Simone took to her Facebook page to voice her concerns, writing: ‘Appearance-wise this is not the best choice.’

However, Simone then continued to say that she had no problem with the star’s acting ability, but added she would have liked to see a darker-skinned actress such as Viola Davis or Kimberly Elise take the part.

But other stars have come forward to back Zoe in the part, with singer and actress Jill Scott telling black women’s web site Hello Beautiful: ‘Zoe is an incredible actress.

‘I think that there should be some work done, like a prosthetic nose would be helpful and definitely some darker make-up.’

The synopsis of the motion picture so far only details that it is the story of the jazz musician and classical pianist, including her rise to fame and relationship with her manager Clifton Henderson.

The civil rights activist certainly celebrated women of darker complexions with her track Images (Of a Wayward Soul), which includes the lyrics: ‘She does not know her beauty. She thinks her brown body has no glory.’

Nina, which also stars The Help actor David Oyelowo as Henderson, is due for release in 2013.

link to daily mail