islamic, sharia, terrorist and genocidal, racist state of North Sudan waging wars against the native Black Sudanese
June 27, 2013 By Faith J. H. McDonnell
“The students go to class, and when they hear the Antonovs coming they run to hide in the caves.”
This is how a teacher describes a typical school day for children in Acheron, a village in Sudan’s Nuba Mountains in South Kordofan State. With the Nuba Mountains now entering a third year of genocidal jihad waged by the Sudanese National Congress Party (NCP) government in Khartoum, the young teacher says “war bombardment has become normal.” “Class” is gathering in the open air. School buildings have gone the same way as those in the first genocide in the 1990s: bombed to smithereens by Khartoum. But the desire to learn remains alive, and so two volunteer teachers – barely out of secondary school themselves – are risking their own lives to ensure that Nuba children receive an education.
In May 2011 the Islamist regime stole South Kordofan’s gubernatorial election from Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) war hero Commander Abdelaziz Adam al Hilu and gave it to ICC-indicted war criminal Ahmed Haroun. Providing voter statistics showing a clear al Hilu victory, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) for South Kordofan wrote to the UN Security Council on May 20, 2011, saying, “We participated in these elections genuinely, but the NCP proved the lacking of the will to implement any agreement.” The SPLM warned, “The aim of the NCP is to bluff the world and use elections to gain fake legitimacy.”
June 5, 2013 marked the second anniversary of Khartoum’s second jihad against the black, African Nuba people. On June 5, 2011, Sudanese president ICC-indicted war criminal Omar al Bashir launched a genocidal jihad against the Nuba in the state capital of Kadugli. Khartoum’s security forces began house-to-house searches for Christians and other non-Muslims, ethnic black African Nuba, and members of or sympathizers with the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) or other opposition parties.
Persecution Project Foundation (PPF) founder and president Brad Phillips told the US Congress that “more than 5,000 ethnic Nubans who sought refuge in the United Nations Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) compound were dragged out by NCP security forces and slaughtered at the gate while Egyptian UNMIS forces watched and in some reports actually laughed.” Images provided by the Satellite Sentinel Project and internal UN reports reveal that the bodies of thousands of innocent Nuba men, women, and children lie in mass graves around Kadugli.
This was only the beginning. In the 1980s-‘90s the Khartoum regime attempted to eradicate the Nuba for aligning with the SPLA. Following the ethnic cleansing of Kadugli, the regime began a similar eradication campaign featuring aerial bombardment and a ground war by the Islamist militia Popular Defense Force (PDF) to burn homes, schools, churches, markets and crops. This scorched earth strategy is responsible for malnutrition and starvation that has affected tens of thousands. Nuba who have not fled to refugee camps in South Sudan or Kenya must flee to caves in the sides of the hills when the daily bombing takes place. Most have no food but leaves and insects, and little access to clean drinking water. The Sudanese government prevents international provision of aid to those in desperate need of food and medicine.
In his congressional testimony, Brad Phillips criticized the US and other governments’ inaction and surmised that if not for the protection of the SPLA-North, “led by their inspirational leader, Abdelaziz Adam Al Hilu, we would be witnessing another Rwandan-style genocide.” Instead, for two years, we have witnessed Sudanese style genocide – in which those committing genocide have seen no evidence that they need to fear meaningful outside intervention.
From Day One the evil intentions of the al Bashir regime were far clearer than those of either Egypt’s Mubarak or Libya’s Gadhafi. And the intensity of the regime’s attack against innocent Nuba civilians far surpassed the Mubarak and Gadhafi responses to the Arab “Spring.” Nevertheless, today Mubarak is gone, thanks to President Obama’s intervention, and an Islamist supremacist Muslim Brotherhood controls Egypt without having had to fight for “freedom.” Gadhafi is dead, and thanks to US intervention, the “freedom fighters” that sodomized and murdered him and that attacked the American consulate in Benghazi, are free to impose Sharia on all of Libya. Likewise, the US is poised to provide weapons to yet more Islamists in Syria.
In contrast, over 750 days after the Khartoum regime announced its plan to eradicate the black, African Nuba, to “sweep out the trash” that the racist Arabist regime considers black-skinned African people to be, not only does the genocide continue, but the US State Department still insists that only a “diplomatic solution” will bring peace to Sudan. With such a response from the Obama Administration, it is not surprising that Khartoum has felt free to expand the genocide to Blue Nile State, starting in September 2011, and to ramp up the action against the innocent men, women, and children of Darfur once again.
The SPLA-North and its Darfuri allies fight as the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF), winning almost all of the ground battles with the more well-armed regime. AFP reported on April 27, 2013 that the “rebels” had attacked five government-held areas in North and South Kordofan States. They quoted an anonymous regional political expert who said that the rebel action is aimed to demonstrate strength and is “very threatening for the government.” So threatening, in fact, that the regime went whining to the international community, and particularly to the US government, demanding condemnation of the attacks and sanctions on the rebel-controlled regions. Sadly, but not surprisingly, the Obama Administration denounced the SRF’s actions, even though, in the words of Brad Phillips, “it is US coddling of Bashir that has ultimately forced the SPLM-N to action before their people are further ground down by famine and privation.”
The State Department has encouraged the SRF to become more “inclusive” of all so-called opposition groups, including those that share the regime’s dream of an Islamic Caliphate. But State has shown less concern for the inclusion of hundreds of thousands of Sudan’s other ethnic African people groups. In Sudan’s far north, home to more pyramids than exist in Egypt, the regime is building dams to drown the memory of the ancient Nubian kingdoms and to displace today’s Nubians, selling their land to Islamists from Egypt. In eastern Sudan, Khartoum has marginalized and oppressed the indigenous Beja people for decades, and is pushing them into the desert, allowing Rashaida Arabs to claim the region.
Recently, Brad Philllips wrote that the “US government and International Community (IC) have responded to all the death, all the torture, all the rape, all the indiscriminate bombings, all the cruelty, all the displacement, and all the persecution by continuing to endorse the very government committing these acts.” He acknowledges some international sanctions are still in place against Khartoum, and that “there has been diplomatic wrist-slapping when Bashir’s behavior is simply too atrocious to be ignored.” But Bashir “has successfully convinced the US and IC that any alternative to his administration would plunge the nation into chaos and Sudan would become another Somalia.”
Phillips continues that his response to the “it could be worse” argument is “stunned silence.” He says that all he can see in his mind “are 3 million corpses, thousands of children missing limbs, untold thousands of women raped, and a completely failed state being propped up by an International Community which fears something ‘worse’.” But something worse is exactly what we have wrought in Egypt and Libya, and to which we seem headed in Syria. Something worse is when a country becomes more like Sudan.